Fresh revelations from a former senior commander of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) have reignited serious concerns over regional security in the Great Lakes region. The testimony exposes in detail how the armed group has relied for years on direct support from the Democratic Republic of Congo’s national army, commonly known as FARDC, to sustain its military activities and economic survival.
Lt Col Mpakaniye Emilien, also known within FDLR ranks as Che Guevara Jacob, made the disclosures on November 28, 2025, during a high-level briefing with military attachés from several embassies operating in Rwanda. His account closely mirrors long-standing findings by United Nations expert panels, which have repeatedly documented collaboration between FARDC units and FDLR rebels operating in eastern Congo.
Mpakaniye explained that between 2008 and 2010, he was responsible for overseeing the group’s mineral-related activities, a critical pillar of FDLR’s operational capacity. During that period, illegal mining and mineral trading were not side operations but core mechanisms that financed attacks, sustained fighters, and ensured access to weapons and ammunition.
According to his testimony, FDLR drew much of its income from mineral-rich areas such as Rubaya and Bisie in Walikale territory, along with other mining zones across North and South Kivu. These areas are known for valuable resources including coltan, wolfram, and cassiterite, minerals that are in high demand on international markets. Control over these resources allowed the rebel group to embed itself deeply within local economic networks.
Mpakaniye stated that FDLR maintained close working relationships with Congolese civilians and elements within the national army. Minerals extracted from rebel-controlled or influenced areas were sold through informal channels, with buyers often linked to armed actors. In return, FDLR received weapons, ammunition, and logistical support. This exchange created a self-sustaining cycle in which natural resources fueled violence, and violence ensured continued access to minerals.
He stressed that the relationship between FARDC and FDLR was systematic rather than accidental. According to him, the Congolese army did not merely overlook the presence of FDLR fighters in eastern Congo but actively cooperated with them. He told the diplomats that FARDC viewed FDLR as a strategic proxy, useful in advancing broader regional objectives and countering perceived adversaries.
One of the most striking elements of his testimony was the assertion that FARDC directly supplied ammunition and facilitated military operations involving FDLR units. He said these weapons were not only used in clashes within Congolese territory but were also intended for planned attacks targeting Rwanda. This claim reinforces concerns raised by Kigali over the years regarding cross-border security threats emanating from eastern Congo.
Mpakaniye went further to argue that without FARDC’s support, FDLR would be incapable of surviving as an organized armed movement. He described the group as heavily dependent on external backing for both military capacity and economic viability. In his assessment, cutting off weapons supplies and access to mineral networks would effectively dismantle the group’s operational structure.
Now undergoing reintegration training at the Mutobo Demobilization and Reintegration Center in Rwanda, Mpakaniye reflected on his transformation since leaving the rebel movement. He said that while operating inside Congo, he genuinely believed FDLR was fighting for a legitimate cause. That belief, he explained, was carefully cultivated by the group’s leadership through years of ideological conditioning and misinformation.
Upon returning to Rwanda, his understanding changed dramatically. He said he was exposed to the country’s true historical and political context, which contradicted the narrative he had been taught in the bush. According to him, the FDLR leadership deliberately misled its fighters for decades, exploiting fear and falsehoods to maintain control and prolong the conflict.
Mpakaniye described Rwanda as a country that welcomed him back and provided support for rebuilding his life, an experience he said stood in stark contrast to the image painted by FDLR commanders. His reintegration, he noted, demonstrated that disarmament and rehabilitation programs can play a crucial role in breaking cycles of violence and preventing future recruitment.
As of mid-2025, security estimates placed FDLR’s strength between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters. Despite years of military operations and international pressure, the group remains active, particularly in Walikale territory. Senior commanders such as Lt Gen Byiringiro Victor and Pacifique Ntawunguka, commonly known as Gen Omega, are still believed to operate in mineral-rich zones that continue to fund rebel activities.
These areas remain strategically important not only because of their resources but also because of weak governance and persistent insecurity. The presence of multiple armed groups, combined with competition over minerals, has made eastern Congo one of the most volatile regions in Africa. Mpakaniye’s testimony adds weight to the argument that unresolved alliances between state forces and non-state actors are a central driver of this instability.
His revelations arrive at a time when regional tensions remain high and diplomatic efforts to address insecurity in eastern Congo face significant challenges. Rwanda has repeatedly accused the Congolese government of collaborating with FDLR, accusations that Kinshasa has often denied. However, testimonies like Mpakaniye’s, supported by UN documentation, continue to raise difficult questions about accountability and transparency.
Beyond regional politics, the testimony highlights the enduring link between conflict minerals and armed violence. As long as illegal mineral exploitation remains profitable and poorly regulated, armed groups are likely to find ways to sustain themselves. Addressing this problem requires coordinated regional action, stronger oversight of supply chains, and genuine political will to sever ties between armies and militias.
The account provided by Lt Col Mpakaniye represents one of the most detailed insider confirmations to date of how military cooperation, economic interests, and misinformation have sustained FDLR for years. It also underscores the importance of reintegration initiatives that offer former combatants an alternative path. Without such efforts, cycles of violence and recruitment risk continuing, undermining long-term peace in the Great Lakes region.
As diplomats and regional leaders weigh the implications of these disclosures, the central challenge remains clear: lasting stability will depend not only on military action but also on dismantling the economic and political networks that enable armed groups to survive.
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